Domain Restriction in Quanti cation is Independent of

The interaction between intonational marking (focus) and domain restriction in adverbial quantiication has been a matter of debate for a number of years. Most theories assume some semantic representation of focus that innuences the interpretation of quantiiers. Views on this interdependence range from a direct mapping of descriptive content between the two representations to a more indirect interaction via presuppositional variables. I argue for a somewhat extreme position: in the general case, there is no interaction at all. Restriction in adverbial quantiication is presuppositionally linked to the discourse topic, and the latter is independent of focus marking. I develop some basic elements of a presuppositional treatment of questions and answers in DRT 1 and show that on this basis, so-called \association-with-focus" data can be explained without recurring to intonational focus. This means that at least for the interpretation of quantiicational adverbs, one can do without stipulating a special semantic object for the representation of focus.